History: The Golden Age of Athens
|
Table of Contents:
|
Plan of Athens
|
The Book of the Ancient Greeks: An Introduction to the History and
Civilization of Greece
Selections from: Mills, Dorothy. The Book of the Ancient
Greeks: An Introduction to the History and Civilization of Greece from
the Coming of the Greeks to the Conquest of Corinth by Rome in 146
B.C . New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1925. Transcription Copyright
© 2003 Leigh T. Denault.
|
Chapter VI: The Growth of Athens
|
I. Earliest Athens
Athens was the most beautiful city in Greece. It grew
up at the foot of the high rock known as the Acropolis, which in the
earliest times was the citadel that defended the city. The Acropolis
had very strong walls, and the main entrance was guarded by nine gates,
which must have made it almost impossible for an enemy to take, and there
was a well within the fortress, so that there was always water for those
who defended it. But history has told us almost nothing about the mighty
lords who built this fortress or about the life of the people over whom
they ruled.
The Acropolis
But if history is silent, legend has much to say. The
earliest rulers of Athens were Kings, and of these one of the first
was Cecrops. All kinds of stories gathered round his name, and it
was believed that he was not altogether human, but a being who had
grown out of the earth and was half-man and half-serpent. It was when
he was King that the contest took place as to whether Athena, the grey-eyed
Goddess of Wisdom, or Poseidon, Lord of the Sea, should be the special
guardians of the city. The victory was awarded to Athena, who, taking
her spear, thrust it into the ground, whereupon an olive tree marvellously
appeared. Poseidon gave the horse as his gift to Athens, and legend
adds that, striking the rock with his trident, he brought forth clear
salt water, which he also gave to the Athenians. For all time the olive
was associated not only with Athena, but with Attica and Athens her city,
and to the Athenians, the sea became almost like a second home.
The ancient kings claimed descent from the gods. They
were not only the lawgivers, but they acted as judges, as chief priests,
and in time of war as generals. All who were oppressed had the right
to appeal to the judgment seat of the King and his decisions were final.
Though the King was the supreme ruler, there were assemblies of the
chief men, always called the Elders, and of the People, who met whenever
the King called them together. These gathering were important, not because
of any real power they possessed in early times, for they only met to hear
what the King intended to do and never to discuss, but because it was
from these assemblies that the power of the people to govern themselves
developed.
The greatest of the early Kings was Theseus, he who slew
the Minotaur and freed Athens from paying tribute to Minos the Sea-King
of Crete. His greatest claim to be held in the remembrance of his countrymen
was that it was believed to have been Theseus who united all Attica
under the leadership of Athens. Before this time all the towns and villages
in Attica had been independent, but he "gathered together all the inhabitants
of Attica into one town, and made them people of one city ... and gave
the name of Athens to the whole state." (Plutarch: Life
of Theseus ) Legend tells of him that he was good and merciful
to all who were in need, and a protector of all who were oppressed,
but he offended the gods in some way, and died in exile far from Athens.
Long centuries after, Cimon, an Athenian general, took possession of
the island in which it was said that Theseus had been buried. Cimon
had a great ambition to find out the place where Theseus
was buried and by chance spied an eagle on a rising ground, where
on a sudden it came into his mind, as it were by some divine inspiration,
to dig there, and search for the bones of Theseus. There were found
in that place a coffin of a man of more than ordinary size, and a brazen
spear-head, and a sword lying by it, all of which he took aboard his
galley and brought with him to Athens. Upon which the Athenians, greatly
delighted, went out to meet and receive the relics with splendid processions
and with sacrifices, as if it were Theseus himself returning alive to
the city. His tomb became a sanctuary and refuge for slaves, and of all
those of mean condition that fly from the persecution of men in power,
in memory that Theseus while he lived was an assister and protector of
the distressed, and never refused the petitions of the afflicted that
fled to him. (Ibid.)
|
II. The Rule of the Few: The Oligarchy
It is not known with any certainty how long the rule of
the Kings lasted in Athens, but they seem to have slowly lost their
power and at last other magistrates were appointed to help them rule.
The earliest Kings had been hereditary rulers; when they became less
powerful, though they were no longer the sole rulers of Athens, these
hereditary Kings still kept their offices for life. Later they ruled
for life but were elected; the next change made was to elect a new king
every ten years, and at last the greatest change of all took place
when the old office of King was done away with, and the power that had
once been in the hands of one man was entrusted to three: the Archon,
a Greek title meaning ruler, who was the chief representative
of the State and who gave his name to the year, the King-Archon, who
was the chief priest and who had authority over all the sacrifices offered
by the State, and the Polemarch, or War-Archon, who was the chief general.
Six other archons were also elected whose duty it was to assist the others
and to see that the laws of the State were obeyed.
Not everyone could be an Archon; only men from noble families
could be elected, and so the power passed into the hands of a few
men. The rule of a few is called an oligarchy, and it was the
second step the Athenians took on their way to be a self-governing
community.
At first this rule was good, for by experience the nobles
learnt a great deal about the art of governing; they realized that
order was better than disorder in a state, and they set high standards
of devotion to public duty. But the nobles all belonged to one class
of people, they were the best educated and the more wealthy, and instead
of using their advantages of position and education and wealth as a
trust for the good of the whole state (the ideal developed in later years
by the Athenians), they grew to consider these things as their own exclusive
property and they became very narrow and intolerant. They considered
themselves in every way superior to the common people, and began to make
laws with benefited themselves alone, ignoring the rights of others,
especially those of the poor.
Now the nobles had acquired their power because of their
opposition to the rule of one man, but when the authority had been
placed in their hands, they proved themselves equally unable to be
just towards all, and their rule became as intolerant as that of the
Kings. Then it was that their authority was questioned in its turn, and
the people began to ask each other questions. What is the difference,
they asked, between rich and poor, between the noble and the plain man,
between the freeman and the slave? Who, they asked, are citizens, and what
does it mean to be a citizen? The more people questioned, the greater grew
the oppression and the injustice of the nobles, and conditions in Athens
grew very bad. Many things helped to create this spirit of discontent: there
had been wars, the harvests had been bad and famine had resulted, and there
were very harsh laws which allowed debtors who could not pay their debts
to sell themselves as slaves. Quarrels arose, and more and more the people
questioned as to the justice of all this. They said:
But ye who have store of land, who are sated and overflow,
Restrain your swelling soul, and still it and keep it low;
Let the heart that is great within you be trained a lowlier
way;
Ye shall not have all at your will, we will not forever
obey. (Poem of Solon, from Aristotle on the Athenian Constitution
, translated by F.G. Kenyon. By permission of Messrs. G. Bell and
Sons.)
|
III: Solon, The Wise Man of Athens and the Rule of the
Many (Except where otherwise noted, the quotations in this section
are from Plutarch: Life of Solon.)
It was at this time of confusion and distress that Solon,
one of the Seven Wise Men of Greece, appeared. By birth he was a
noble, but he was a poor man and in the early part of his life he had
been a merchant. There came a time later when the merchant was not looked
upon as the equal of the noble, for Plutarch, in writing the life of
Solon about seven hundred years after his death, makes an apology for
his having been engaged in trade:
In his time, as Hesiod says, "Work was a shame
to none," nor was any distinction made with respect to trade, but merchandise
was a noble calling, which brought home the good things which the
barbarous nations enjoyed, was the occasion of friendship with their
kings, and a great source of experience.
Solon enjoyed the experience of travelling and seeing
new things, a delight that remained with him even to the days of
his old age, for when he was old he would say that he
Each day grew older, and learnt something new.
Just before this time Athens had been at war with Megara,
a neighbouring state, over the possession of Salamis, which had
formerly belonged to Athens, an island so near the Athenian harbour
that it was absolutely necessary that it should belong to Athens. But
the war had been long and unsuccessful, and no victory had been gained
by either side. The Athenians were so "tired with this tedious and difficult
war that they made a law that it should be death for any man, by writing
or speaking, to assert that the city ought to endeavor to recover the
island." Solon felt this to be a great disgrace, and knowing that thousands
of Athenians would follow, if only one man were brave enough to lead,
he composed some fiery verses which he recited in the market place.
I come as a herald, self-sent, from Salamis,
beautiful island,
And the message that I bring to your ears, I have turned
it into a song.
Country and name would I change, rather than all men should
say,
Pointing in scorn, "There goes one of the cowardly, lazy
Athenians,
Who let Salamis slip through their fingers, when it was
theirs for a blow!"
On then to Salamis, brothers! Let us fight for the beautiful
island,
Flinging afar from us, ever, the weight of unbearable
shame. (Poem of Solon, translated by Leslie White Hopkinson.)
Only parts of the verse have come down to us, but they
so inspired the Athenians that it was determined to make one more
effort to regain Salamis, and this time they were successful. Salamis
was recovered, but conditions in Athens remained as unhappy as before.
Solon was now held in such high honour that we are told, "the wisest
of the Athenians pressed him to succour the commonwealth." He consented,
and was elected Archon in 594 B.C.
The first thing Solon did was to relieve the debtors.
He did this by cancelling all debts and by setting free all who were
slaves for debt, and by forbidding by law any Athenian to pledge himself,
his wife or his children as security for debt. This brought such relief
to the state that the act was celebrated by a festival called the "Casting
off of Burdens."
Solon wanted to bring order into the distracted city he
loved, for he held that order was one of the greatest blessings a
state could have, so he set to work to reform the government of the
state, to reduce the power of the nobles and to give justice to the
people. "First, he repealed all Draco's laws," (Draco had been an earlier
lawgiver in Athens), "because they were too severe, and the punishments
too great; for death was appointed for almost all offences, so that
in after times it was said that Draco's laws were written not with ink,
but blood."
Solon reformed the government of the state in such a way,
that even the poorest citizens had political rights. They could not
all be Archons, but Athens, like Sparta and other Greek states, had
her general Assembly of the people, and they could all vote at this,
and they could all take part in electing the magistrates. Whilst recognizing
the rights of the poorer citizens, Solon believed in preserving a certain
part of the power of the nobles, and he arranged the taxation and public
services to the state in such a way that the greater wealth of a man and
the higher his position, the more the state demanded of him, both in
service and money. Solon himself said of these laws:
I gave to the mass of the people such rank
as befitted their need,
I took not away their honour, and I granted nought to
their greed;
While those who were rich in power, who in wealth were
glorious and great,
I bethought me that naught should befall them unworthy
their splendour and state;
So I stood with my shield outstretched, and both were
safe in its sight,
And I would not that either should triumph, when the triumph
was not with the right.
(Poem of Solon, from Aristotle on the Athenian Constitution
, translated by F.G. Kenyon. By permission of Messrs. G. Bell
and Sons.)
Solon did not please everyone with his laws, and when
some came to him every day, to commend
or dispraise them, and to advise, if possible, to leave out, or put in
something, and desired him to explain, and tell the meaning of such
and such a passage, he, knowing that it was useless, and not to do it would
get him ill will, it being so hard a thing, as he himself says, in great
affairs to satisfy all sides, bought a trading vessel, and having obtained
leave for ten years' absence, departed, hoping that by that time his laws
would have become familiar.
He stayed away the ten years and then returned to Athens.
He took no further part in public affairs, but was reverenced by
all and honoured until his death.
During his travels, Plutarch tells us that he visited
Croesus, the rich King of Lydia. This visit could never have taken
place, for Solon died in Athens just as Croesus came to the throne.
As a matter of fact, Plutarch knew that quite well, but he says that
he must tell so famous a story, even if it were not true, because it was
so characteristic of Solon and so worthy of his wisdom and greatness
of mind, and that it would be foolish to omit it because it did not agree
with certain dates about which in any case everybody differed!
They say that Solon, coming to Croesus
at his request, was in the same condition as an inland man when
first he goes to sea; for as he fancies every river he meets with
must be the ocean, so Solon, as he passed through the court, and saw
a great many nobles richly dressed, and proudly attended with a multitude
of guards and footboys, thought everyone had been the king, till he was
brought to Croesus, who was decked with every possible rarity and curiosity,
in ornaments of jewels, purple and gold, that could make a grand and gorgeous
spectacle of him. Now when Solon came before him and seemed not at all
surprised, he commanded them to open all his treasure-houses and carry
him to see his sumptuous furniture and luxuries, though he did not wish
it; and when he returned from viewing all, Croesus asked him if he had
ever known a happier man than he. And when Solon answered that he had known
one Tellus, a fellow-citizen of his own, and told him that this Tellus
had been an honest man, and had had good children, a competent estate,
and died bravely in battle for his country, Croesus took him for an ill-bred
fellow and a fool. He asked him, however, again, if besides Tellus, he knew
of any other man more happy. And Solon replied, saying, Yes, two men who
were loving brothers and extremely dutiful sons to their mother, and when
the oxen delayed her, harnessed themselves to the waggon and drew her to
Hera's temple, her neighbours all calling her happy, and she herself rejoicing;
then, after sacrificing and feasting, they went to rest, and never rose
again, but died in the midst of their honour a painless and tranquil death.
"What," said Croesus angrily, "and dost thou not reckon us amongst the happy
men at all?" Solon, unwilling either to flatter or exasperate him more,
replied, "The gods, O King, have given to the Greeks all other gifts in
immoderate degree, and so our wisdom, too, is a cheerful and homely, not
a noble and kingly wisdom, and him only to whom the divinity has continued
happiness unto the end, we call happy."
This story is not only characteristic of Solon, but of
the Greek spirit. That spirit did not like the extreme of extravagance
and luxury and display, and it believed that there was glory that
money could not buy. The Greeks who had been rewarded by a wreath
of olive leaves had achieved the greatest success known in Greece.
This was once told to a noble who had come with the King of Persia to
invade Greece, and when he heard it, he exclaimed to the King: "What
kind of men are these against whom thou has brought us to fight, who
make their contest not for money but for honour!" That was the spirit
of Greece.
|
IV. The Tyrants
Athens did not attain her political freedom without a
struggle. She passed from the rule of One man, the King, to the
rule of the Few, the oligarchy, and then through the legislation of
Solon to the rule of the Many, the people. But during this period of
change, attempts were made from time to time by powerful leaders to
get the rule entirely into their own hands. These leaders who wanted
to seize the power and rule alone were called by the Greeks Tyrants
. There was always the danger that such a ruler, with no authority in
the state to control him, would become harsh and oppressive, but this was
not always the case. Though the rule of one man alone is never the best
kind of rule, some of the Greek Tyrants made real contributions to the
states they governed. They were generally well-educated men, who encouraged
art and literature; they were always ambitious men, and they often dreamed
of extending their power beyond the limits of their own state, and though
it was a purely personal and selfish ambition, the efforts at realizing
it brought the Greeks into contact with things which had hitherto lain
beyond their horizon, for in the Age of the Tyrants, no Greek had yet dreamed
dreams or seen visions of empire.
A man was not always successful in his efforts to become
a Tyrant. About forty years before Solon was made Archon, Cylon, a
rich Athenian, of good family and popular as a winner at Olympia,
tried to seize the power. He consulted the Oracle, which told him to
make the attempt at the time of the great festival of Zeus. He took this,
as all Greeks would, as meaning the Olympic Games, so he waited until the
time came for them, and then he and his friends took possession of the
citadel. But it seemed that the Oracle, giving one of those answers of
which the meaning was uncertain, had referred to the festival held in honour
of Zeus near Athens and not to that at Olympia, and Cylon's attempt was
unsuccessful. Some of the conspirators fled, and others took refuge in the
Temple of Athena. Here they were safe, for no one would dare touch anyone
who had placed himself under the protection of the goddess in her sanctuary.
But there was no food or drink in the temple, and as nobody brought them
any, some of them died of hunger, and Cylon was forced to escape secretly.
Then the Archon told the remainder that if they would surrender, their lives
should be spared. They consented, but not quite trusting the Archon, they
fastened a long rope to the Statue of Athena and held it as they descended
the hill, so that they might still be secure under the protection of the
goddess. Half-way down the hill, however, the rope broke, and the Archon,
declaring that this showed that Athena had withdrawn her protection, had the
men put to death. This was looked upon as a great crime by the Athenians,
for they considered it not only treachery, but also sacrilege, and it made
the Archon many enemies. These declared that as a punishment for this act
a curse would rest on his and on all his descendents. His family was descended
from Alcmaeon, and so the curse was spoken of as the curse on the Alcmaeonids,
and the enemies of this family always attributed to it any calamites that
happened to the city.
The most famous Tyrant in Athens was Peisistratus. Whilst
Solon was away on his travels, quarrels broke out again, and when
he returned, though he took no active part in affairs, he tried by
privately talking with the leaders of the various factions to restore
peace, but he was unsuccessful. "Now Peisistratus was extremely smooth
and engaging in his language, a great friend to the poor and moderate
in his resentments, so that he was trusted more than the other leaders."
(Plutarch: Life of Solon.) In this way he became very popular, and he deceived
people into thinking that he was only desirous of serving the state, when
in reality he was doing all in his power to further his own ambition and
to become sole ruler of Athens. In order to gain supporters, he appeared
one day in the market place in his chariot, which was sprinkled with blood,
and he himself appeared to be wounded. On being asked what was the matter,
he said his enemies had inflicted these injuries upon him. One of his friends
then declared that the Athenians should not permit such a thing to happen,
and advised that a bodyguard of fifty men should accompany him to protect
him from any further assault. This was done, whereupon with their help,
Peisistrtus took possession of the Acropolis. But his power was not great
enough to hold it, and he and his followers were driven out of Athens.
Peisistratus soon returned, however, having thought of a
curious ploy by which he might deceive the Athenians into believing
it to be the will of the gods that he should rule. During a festival,
accompanied by a large number of youths, he entered Athens in his chariot,
and at his side stood a tall and beaitufl woman, dressed as Athena herself
and carrying a shield and spear. The people shouted that the goddess
herself had come from Olympus to show her favour to Peisistratus, and
he was received as Tyrant. But again he wasdriven out by his enemies.
He stayed away ten years, and thenonce more he collected an army and advanced
on Athens. Once more he was successful and entered the city. This time
no one opposed him, he became sole ruler and remained so until his death
some ten years later.
Peisistratus showed himself to be a wise ruler; he improved
the city and brought water into it by an aqueduct, and he built new
roads. Along these roads, especially in placed near springs and fountains,
were placed small statues of Hermes, and on the pedestals under some
of them verses were engraved, perhaps similar to the following lines,
to cheer the traveller on his way:
I, Hermes, by the grey sea-shore
Set where the three roads meet,
Outside the wind-swept garden,
Give rest to weary feet;
The waters of my fountain
Are clear and cool and sweet.
(Written by Anyte, a poetess, probably in the 4th century
B.C., translated by Sir Rennell Rodd in Love, Worship and Death.
)
It was Peisistratus who made the law that men wounded in
battle and the families of those who were killed should be cared for
by the state. He built a new Temple to Athena and made her festival
more splided, and he had the ancient poems of Homer collected and written
down, so that they might be more carefully preserved. But good ruler as
he was, he was still a Tyrant, and during his rule the people were deprived
of their right to govern themselves, but so long as he lived, no one opposed
him.
After his death, his sounds Hippias and Hipparchus succeeded
him, but they forgot that, after all, the could only remain Tyrants
if the people permitted it, and they grew insolent, harsh and overbearing.
Two young Athenians formed a plot to assassinate these oppressors at
the next festival. The day came, and Hipparchus was slain, though Hippias
escaped. The conspirators were instantly seized and put to death, and
Hippias continued to rule alone. He became more and more cruel and the
Athenians were bowed down under his opporession. At last the Spartans
came to their help. They came, because for some time whenever they sent
to Delphi to ask any advice of the Oracle, the answer always came, "First
set Athens free." With this help, Hippias was driven out and sent into
exile.
Athens was free. The rule of the Tyrants was over, and Athens
was once more able to rule herself, to become the state of which,
when it was asked "what shepherd rules and lords it o'er their people?"
the anser could be given, "Of no man are they called the slaves or
subjects." (Aeschylus: The Persians
.)
|
Chapter XIV: The Greek Theatre
|
The Greek drama began as a religious observance in honour of Dionysus.
To the GReeks this god personified both spring and the vintage, tha latter
a very important time of year in a vine-growing country, and he was
a symbol to them of that power there is in man of rising out of himself,
of being impelled onwards by a joy within him that he cannot explain,
but which makes him go forward, walking, as it were, on the wings of the
wind, of the spirit that fills him with a deep sense of worship. We call
this power enthusiasm, a Greek word which
simple means the god within us.
From very early times, stories of his life were recited at the
religious festivals held in honour of Dionysus, and then stories of
other gods and of the ancient heroes were told as well. It was from these
beginnings that the drama came. Originally, the story was told in the form
of a song, chanted at first by everyone taking part in the festival, and
later by a chorus of about fifty performers, and at intervals in the song
the leader would recite part of the story himself. By degrees the recitation
became of greater importance than the song; it grew longer, and after
a time two people took part in it and then three; at the same time the
chorus became smaller and of less importance in the action of the drama,
until at last it could consist of only fifteen performers.
A Greek drama was in many ways much
simpler than a modern drama. There were fewer characters, and usually
only three speaking actors were allowed on the stage at once. There
was only one story told and there was nothing to take the attention of
the audience away from this. The Chorus, though it no longer told the
story, was very important, for it set the atmosphere of the play, and
lyrics of haunting loveliness hinted at the tragedy that could not be
averted, because of terrible deeds done in the past, or if, indeed, there
might be any help, the imagination was carried forward on wings of hope.
The Chorus also served another purpose. In the modern drama, when the
tragedy of a situation becomes almost too great for the audience to bear,
relief is often found in some comic, or partly comic, episode which is introduced
to slacken the tension. Shakespeare does this constantly. But comic episodes
were felt to be out of place in a Greek drama, and therefore when a tragic
scene had taken place, the Chorus followed it by a song of purest poetry.
In one play of Euripides, a terrible scene of tragedy was followed by a
song in which the Chorus prayed for escape from such sorrows on the wings
of a bird to a land where all was peace and beauty. They sang:
Could I take me to some cavern for mine
hiding,
In the hill-tops where the Sun scarce hath trod;
Or a cloud make the home of mine abiding,
As a bird among the bird-droves of God.
And the song goes on the carry the imagination to a spot
Where a voice of living waters never
ceaseth
In God's quiet garden by the sea,
And Earth, the ancient life-giver, increaseth
Joy among the meadows, like a tree. (Euripides: Hippolytus
, translated by Gilbert Murray.)
In the great Greek dramas, the Chorus is a constant reminder that,
though they cannot understand or explain them, there are other powers
in the world than the wild passions of men.
The great dramatic festival of Athens was held in the spring in
the theatre of Dionysus, to the south-east of the Acropolis. The theatre
in Athens never became an everyday amusement, as it is today, but was
always directly connected with the worship of Dionysus, and the performances
were always preceded by a sacrifice. The festival was only held once a
year, and whilst it lasted the whole city kept holiday. Originally, admission
to the theatre was free, but the crowds became so great and there was
such confusion and sometimes fighting in the rush for good seats, that
the state decided to charge an admission fee and tickets had to be bought
beforehand. But even then there were no reserved seats, except for certain
officials who sat in the front row. In the time of Pericles, complaints
were made that the poorer citizens could not afford to buy tickets, and
so important was the drama then considered, that it was ordered that tickets
should be given free to all who applied for them.
An Athenian audience was very critical, and shouts and applause,
or groans and hisses showed its approval or disapproval of the play being
acted. Several plays were given in one day, and a prize was awarded to
the best, so the audience was obliged to start at dawn and would probably
remain in the theatre until sunset. Let us go with an Athenian audience
and see a play which was first performed in the latter half of the fifth
century B.C.
Theatre at Epidaurus
The theatre is a great semi-circle on the slope of the Acropolis,
with rows of stone seats on which about eighteen thousand spectators
can sit. The front row consists of marble chairs, the only seats in the
theatre which have backs, and these are reserved for the priests of Dionysus
and the chief magistrates. Beyond the front row, is a circular space called
the orchestra, where the Chorus sings, and in the centre of which stands
the altar of Dionysus. Behind the orchestra, is the stage on which the
actors will act, at the back of which is a building painted to look like
the front of a temple or a palace, to which the actors retire when they are
not wanted on the stage or have to change their costumes. That is the whole
theatre and all its stage scenery. Overhead is the deep blue sky, the Acropolis
rises up behind, and the olive-laden hills are seen in the distance. Much
will have to be left to the imagination, but the very simplicity of the outward
surroundings will make the audience give all their attention to the play
and the acting.
When the play begins, there will only be three actors on the stage
at once. They will wear very elaborate costumes, and a strange-looking
wooden sole called a cothurnus or buskin, about six inches high, on their
shoes, to make them look taller and more impressive, and over their faces
a curious mask with a wide mouth, so that everyone in that vast audience
will hear them. [Note: Scholars today do not believe that the masks worn
in Greek drama were used as "megaphones." The acoustics in Greek ampitheatres
were excellent and the wide mouths of the mask were only intended to allow
clear speech, not to amplify sound. Rather, the exaggerated expressions
on the masks were part of the stylized "look" of Greek theatre, a style that
combined ritualized exaggeration with simplicity to better convey the sense
of the drama to a large audience. -- Leigh T. Denault] There will be no curtain
and the play is not divided into different acts. When there is a pause
in the action, the Chorus will fill up the time with their song. If it
is a tragedy, we shall not see the final catastrophe on the stage, but
a messenger will appear who will give us an account of what has happened.
All this is very different from the way in which a modern play is given,
but some of the greatest dramas the world possesses were written by Athenian
dramatists and acted on this Athenian stage more than two thousand years
ago.
On this occasion the play we are to see is "Iphigenia in Tauris,"
written by Euripides, one of the greatest of the Athenian dramatists.
The legends and traditions from which most of the Greek plays
took their plots were, of course, well known to the Athenians. They
were stories commemorating some great event, or explaining some religious
observance, but naturally these legends were differently treated by different
dramatists, each of whom brought out a different side of the story to enforce
some particular lesson which he wished to bring home to the people, and
this is especially true of legends like that of Iphigenia connected with
the Fall of Troy.
In the opening speech of this play,
Iphigenia very briefly tells her story up to the moment when the play
begins. Just as the Greeks had been ready to sail for Troy, they were
wind-bound at Aulis. The wise men were consulted as to the meaning of
this, and how the gods who must in some way have been offended, might
be appeased, so that fair winds might send them on their way. Calchas,
the seer, told them that Artemis demanded the sacrifice of Iphigenia,
daughter of Agamemnon, King of Argos, the great leader of the host, and
her father sent for her accordingly. The maiden was at home with her
mother, and the messenger who was sent to Argos to bring her was charged
to say that he father desired to wed her to the hero Achilles. She came
and the sacrifice was offered, but at the supreme moment, Artemis carried
Iphigenia away and placed her in the land of the Tauri, a wild and barbarous
tribe, as their princess. These Tauri had an image of Artemis in a temple,
to which they sacrified all strangers who were cast on their shores, sacrified
all strangers who cast on their shores, and it was the futy of the priestess
to consecrate each victim before he was slain. Here, performing this rite,
Iphigenia lived for more than ten years, but never yet had a Greek come
to this wild land. She knew, of course, nothing of what had happened at
Troy or afterwards; she did not know that on his return home her father
had been slain by Clytaemnestra his wife, or that Orestes, her brother,
had avenged that death by slaughtering his own mother, after which deed
he had wandered from place to place pursued by the relentless torment
of the Furies. Bitter against the Greeks for having willed her sacrifice
at Aulis, Iphigenia says of herself that she is "turned to stone, and has
no pity left in her," and she half hopes that the day will come when a Greek
will be brought to her to be offered in his turn to the goddess.
In the meantime, Orestes, tormented beyond endurance by the Furies,
had gone to the Oracle of Apollo, to ask how he might be purified from
his sin, and Apollo had told him to go to the land of the Tauri and bring
back to Attica the image of Artemis his sister, so that it might no longer
be stained by the blood of the human sacrifices. And so it comes about that
Orestes is the first Greek who will be brought to Iphigenia for sacrifice
to Artemis. It is at this moment that the play opens.
|
|
Contents Copyright
© 2003 Leigh T. Denault
|